“Dad, wake up! There’s been a coup!” a girl shouted as she rushed into her father’s room. Her father, still half asleep, mumbled: “That’s illegal.”
When reading this exchange, one might immediately think of the recent arrests of Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli in China. However, this scene did not take place in China, but in the Soviet Union — the “big brother” of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The coup in question was the August 19 coup in the Soviet Union, which directly precipitated the collapse of the Communist regime. The father and daughter were none other than Boris Yeltsin and his daughter, Tatyana.
General Flynn, a heavyweight figure in the U.S. intelligence community, has described the arrests of Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli as a “coup within the CCP.” Judging from current developments, although the Xi Jinping administration announced the dismissal of Zhang and Liu with unusual speed, the military’s response suggests that the situation is far from resolved.
It is well known that Xi Jinping’s greatest fear is repeating the Soviet Union’s fate. Yet the coup he has personally orchestrated may be moving in precisely the direction he fears most. Rather than preventing collapse, it could ultimately evolve into another version of the August 19 coup in the Soviet Union — one that once again leads to the downfall of a Communist regime.
Secret wiretapping
On August 19, 1991, Soviet hardliners launched a bold move: they formed the State Committee for the State of Emergency and declared a state of emergency in key regions. Vice President Gennady Yanayev was named acting president, claiming that Mikhail Gorbachev was too ill to lead. The announcement stunned the world. This moment would be remembered as the August 19 Coup.
The story begins earlier that month. On August 4, Gorbachev was preparing to leave Moscow for his beloved summer villa in Foros, Crimea. Someone warned him that his colleagues might make a move. Gorbachev brushed off the concern, replying dismissively: “They don’t dare to go against the president.” He would soon be proven wrong. According to Boris Yeltsin, the incident was triggered by a case of secret wiretapping.
A few days before Gorbachev departed for vacation, he had an important conversation with Yeltsin. Suddenly, Yeltsin fell silent. Surprised, Gorbachev asked: “Boris, what’s wrong?” Yeltsin struggled to explain, but he had an unmistakable feeling — as though someone were standing behind him, watching intently. Unable to ignore the sensation, Yeltsin finally said: “Let’s go to the balcony. I think someone is eavesdropping on our conversation.” Gorbachev replied skeptically: “Don’t talk nonsense.” Still, he went outside with Yeltsin.
Subsequent events proved that Yeltsin’s mysterious feeling was correct. Not long after the coup, investigators from the prosecutor’s office discovered two safes filled with folders containing detailed records of Yeltsin’s conversations over the years — every conversation, 24 hours a day, including his secret discussion with Gorbachev. Yeltsin later reflected: “Perhaps these recordings became the fuse for the events of August 1991.”
What no one expected was that the safe containing these records belonged to Gorbachev’s chief of staff, Bolkin. Yet Gorbachev himself was completely unaware of it. So what did Yeltsin and Gorbachev say that triggered the coup? Yeltsin had suggested that some particularly troublesome officials be replaced, first naming KGB Chairman Kryuchkov and Defense Minister Yazov. After their discussion, Gorbachev added that Kryuchkov and Interior Minister Pugo should be removed, along with Prime Minister Valentin Pavlov. Little did they know, the head of the KGB had overheard every word.
August 18 crisis
On August 18, 1991, while Gorbachev was on vacation, his bodyguard suddenly entered to report that a group of people wanted to see him. Gorbachev was very surprised: “I haven’t invited anyone!” He wanted to call Kryuchkov or Yanayev in Moscow, but found that all the phones were cut off, and there was silence on the other end. Gorbachev knew that something terrible had happened. He gathered his family together and told them: “Anything can happen.”
Raisa Gorbachev, Mikhail’s wife, later recalled that in that instant she thought of the aftermath of the Bolshevik coup — the murder of Nicholas II and his entire family. She knew that the Communists were capable of such acts. Gorbachev finally decided to let these uninvited guests in, namely the director and deputy director of the Ninth Directorate of the KGB, as well as Baklanov, deputy chairman of the National Defense Committee, Bolkin, chief of staff, Schonin, secretary of the Central Secretariat, and Valentin Varennikov, commander-in-chief of the ground forces representing the army.
“Who sent you?” Gorbachev demanded. “The Committee,” one of them said. “It is a committee established to handle national emergencies.” “Who built it? I didn’t build it, so who did? ” Rather than responding to his question, Varennikov delivered an ultimatum: Either sign the state of emergency or hand over power to the vice president.
Gorbachev angrily retorted: “You are nothing but adventurers and traitors, and you will pay the price. I don’t care what happens to you. Only those who are courting death would suggest establishing a totalitarian system. You are pushing the country toward civil war! ”
They then handed him a list of the State Committee members for the State of Emergency. Gorbachev could hardly believe his eyes. Defense Minister Yazov was someone he had personally promoted; KGB chief Kryuchkov had been a mentor to him; and his chief of staff, Bolkin, had worked alongside him for over a decade and earned his absolute trust. All of them had now betrayed him.
Once the group had left Gorbachev’s villa, the head of the KGB Ninth Directorate climbed into his car and, over the radio, ordered that Gorbachev be further isolated. Meanwhile, the entire delegation, confident in their victory, began drinking as they made their way back to Moscow.
Upon reaching the capital, the coup was formally executed. Using the pretext of Gorbachev’s illness, Vice President Yanayev — hands trembling — signed the documents, seizing power and declaring a state of emergency. One by one, Yazov, Pugo, Kryuchkov, Pavlov, Baklanov, and the others added their signatures.
Those involved in the coup, later known as the “Gang of Eight,” held positions equivalent to the Vice President, Premier, Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, Minister of State Security, Minister of National Defense, Minister of Public Security, and Director of the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission in the CCP. In this sense, the August 19 coup was the opposite of Xi Jinping’s consolidation of power: the Soviets rose against their leader, while Xi has been removing rivals from the top down.
Their meeting ended at 4:00 AM on August 19. By 4:30 AM, Defense Minister Yazov issued a coded telegram putting all military units on high alert. Soldiers were ordered to cut short their leave and return to their posts immediately. By approximately 6:00 AM, several Special Forces units stationed near the Moscow Ring Road were preparing to seize the city. Though the dynamics are reversed, does the situation in China today feel eerily familiar?
As the meeting ended, the Soviet Alpha Group of Special Forces encircled Yeltsin’s villa outside Moscow, setting up checkpoints along the roads — unaware of the full scope of their orders. History, however, has a way of intervening. The KGB chief’s decision to delay Yeltsin’s arrest would prove decisive, laying the groundwork for the dramatic events that were about to unfold.
(Continued on Part 2)
Translated by Chua BC and edited by Tatiana Denning
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