Beyond the business world, Cheng Kaili witnessed how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has long pursued an intricate and patient plan to infiltrate Taiwanese society. He said the first step in this strategy is what officials call “on-site hospitality,” systematically extending its reach to political parties, temples, veterans’ organizations, and student groups.
Political and personal “kidnapping”
According to Cheng, the CCP’s united-front work goes far beyond commerce. Citing information from a friend inside the system, he described an entire villa complex on the outskirts of Beijing reserved for entertaining senior figures from a Taiwanese political party.
“The drinking companions aren’t hostesses,” he recalled hearing. “They’re celebrities you’ve seen on television or in the movies.” After several rounds of drinks, guests are escorted to the villas for the night. “Everything is free — food, drink, entertainment — and the CCP records it all.”
These “red-carpet” banquets, he said, gradually corrode moral restraint. “On the surface, they appeal to national sentiment. In reality, it’s the kidnapping of interests.”
Undermining grassroots faith
Cheng also shared a revealing exchange with a temple abbot he had known for years. Curious about the man’s sudden new title as a “regional representative” of another sect, Cheng asked why. The abbot laughed and explained: “I used to get half a million yuan (US$70,000) in cash every year from a pro-communist group. Now another sect pays it, so I have to use their name.”
Stunned, Cheng could only reply: “That’s absurd.” The abbot shrugged. “Nothing I can do. I’m paid.” For Cheng, it was a firsthand glimpse of how the CCP uses money to penetrate and manipulate local religious circles.
Targeting military veterans
Many retired career soldiers, Cheng observed, have joined social clubs for veterans. These groups often organize heavily subsidized trips to mainland China — destinations ranging from Chongqing to the northeast. Participants pay only their airfare; every other expense is covered by the CCP’s “landing hospitality.”
During these multi-day visits, guests are treated to lavish banquets and courtesy tours while being quietly assessed. Cheng said the CCP looks for those who once held ranks such as second lieutenant, captain, or major — men with influence who can be “recruited” and tasked with persuading others once they return home.
“This infiltration has become deeply entrenched,” he warned. He cited the case of a Taipei colonel surnamed Sun who was shunned within veterans’ circles for remaining openly anti-communist. “Everyone else wanted to cozy up to Beijing. He stood out for refusing.”
Even Taiwan’s National Security Law, which forbids accepting such benefits, has done little to stop it. One acquaintance told Cheng that the travel agencies and their mainland hosts simply coordinated receipts to make the trips appear self-funded — on paper, everything looked legitimate.
A changing social atmosphere
In recent years, Cheng said he has noticed a quiet but unmistakable shift in Taiwan’s public mood. After two high-profile recall campaigns on July 26 and August 23 failed, he found his friends speaking more openly in favor of Beijing.
“Before, people felt embarrassed to praise the CCP,” he said. “Now, some say outright: ‘Why keep opposing them? The CCP isn’t so bad.’ Others even claim: ‘If China ruled Taiwan someday, it wouldn’t be worse than now.’”
He believes this change reflects years of subtle CCP influence. Through TikTok, mainland dramas, and “red media,” the Party exports an image of progress and prosperity — skyscrapers, high-speed rail, and gleaming cities — constantly repeating the message that “China is advanced.” As pro-China sentiment becomes socially acceptable, the boundary of resistance erodes.
“People point to the skyline and say, ‘Look at their cities, their Maglev trains — how can Taiwan compete?’” Cheng said. “That’s what worries me most.”
The blindness of youth
When Cheng invested in a restaurant, most of his employees were in their twenties. Their worldview, he discovered, had been shaped by Chinese entertainment.
“I asked, ‘You watch those dramas and TikTok videos every day — what do you think of the Communist Party?’ They said: ‘Nothing wrong with it. Look at how modern everything is.’”
He sighed that young people only see the CCP’s polished façade. “They don’t know that if you complain in China, you might disappear tomorrow,” he said. “They don’t know about the persecution of faith groups or the loss of free speech. The love stories in their dramas never show people fighting for freedom — so they can’t imagine what that even means.”
“The Communist Party only lets you see what it wants you to see,” Cheng added. When Taiwanese students visit China, he said, the tours showcase modern architecture and model communities, never the petition offices where ordinary citizens beg for justice — or the detention centers waiting for them afterward.
To conquer without fighting
Cheng emphasized that his experiences were not unique. The CCP’s united-front strategy follows a strict pattern: build connections through business or local ties, observe targets for months, identify weaknesses, and then move to recruitment.
“The CCP dares to invest millions of yuan to win over people in key military or intelligence positions,” he said. “Money, beauty, and leverage — none of these tools are optional.”
He warned that this approach is far more dangerous than open warfare. “To conquer the enemy without fighting,” Cheng said, “is more terrifying than using force.”
The infiltration, he added, is not limited to the traditionally pro-China Blue Camp. A deeper, quieter infiltration has taken place within the pro-Taiwan Green Camp, where some sympathizers have remained hidden for years. Only recently, after the failed recall campaigns and the revival of anti-communist activism, have these long-dormant forces begun to surface.
“Taiwan cannot afford division — it can only afford unity,” Cheng urged. He called on both the government and citizens to confront the CCP’s expanding influence before it is too late. If the fractures in national identity continue to widen, he warned, the CCP will not need an invasion.
“The day it conquers Taiwan without fighting,” Cheng said, “may come far sooner than anyone expects.”
See Part 1 here
Translated by Chua BC
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