On January 4, 2025, China’s ideology tsar, Cai Qi, led a national meeting of the nation’s propaganda officials in Beijing. He urged them to manage public opinion properly and rally people to “work together in unity.” He mainly wanted them to respond to economic outcries from analysts criticizing the country’s economic performance. However, critics claim this may have been another of China’s propaganda strategies.
“[Officials] should adhere to the correct orientation of public opinion, strengthen the economic promotion and management of expectations, improve the ability to respond to public opinion, and create a united and progressive mainstream public opinion,” Cai Qi said at the conference.
Low economic performance
Official reports did not elaborate on what these instructions from Cai Qi meant in practice. Still, according to Radio Free Asia (RFA), this is an effort to silence criticism from citizens and economic analysts in China. RFA gleaned this from an interview with a senior journalist who only gave his surname as Gao for fear of victimization by the government.
“That includes the economic downturn, the fact that they spent so much trying to prop up the stock market, only to have it fall again, and also the continual occurrence of social revenge incidents and car attacks,” Gao told RFA Mandarin in the interview.
Gao believes the Communist Party wants to create a sense of controlled consensus by using official state media, social media, and search engine results to shape public opinion and reinforce government narratives.
Shaping opinion: China’s propaganda strategies
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and other authoritarian states have stepped up their efforts to use online platforms to promote “core socialist values” to “better meet the diverse and high-quality spiritual and cultural needs of the people.” They also use the media to spread narratives aimed at weakening the clamor for democracy or criticism of the government.
All media must adhere to guidelines set by the Communist Party when covering new or significant events in the country. The government has recently adopted technological apparatus in these regulations, but public opinion management goes back decades. In fact, in the wake of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, government documents criticized the ousted Premier Zhao Zhiyang for being open to unbiased media.
Top government officials believed media freedom led to public criticism of the government and the protests that were quashed using brutal tactics in June 1989. Mr. Xi Jinping, who became president in 2012, has increased media regulation and citizen surveillance since coming to power. The Party has stepped up its online censorship, arrests of activists, tight regulation of social media platforms, and arrests of high-ranking Party members.
The government has monitored private posts and comments to ensure they align with the Party’s “core values.” Also, some phrases and search keywords have been eliminated from search engines, AI, and social media platforms to enforce control and sway public opinion.
Historical context
Historically, China has long used propaganda to cultivate a specific political narrative. In the Maoist era, propaganda was primarily disseminated through newspapers, posters, and the famous Little Red Book, which promoted the ideologies of the CCP. These methods aimed to unify the public under a common ideology and support the state’s policies.
Adaptation to the digital age
In the digital age, China has adeptly incorporated technology into its propaganda strategies. The state controls significant media outlets, ensuring that the dissemination of information aligns with government narratives. This control extends to the internet, demonstrated by the “Great Firewall of China,” which restricts access to foreign websites that might offer dissenting views and rigorously monitors social media to censor unfavorable content.
Domestic strategies
Domestically, the CCP employs propaganda to maintain its authority and foster national cohesion. This involves promoting the “China Dream,” a concept introduced by President Xi Jinping that emphasizes national rejuvenation and prosperity. Education also plays a crucial role, with textbooks and curricula often emphasizing patriotism and the CCP’s historical achievements while downplaying or omitting controversial aspects of China’s history.
International strategies
Internationally, China’s propaganda efforts aim to improve its image, increase its global influence, and present an alternative governance model. This is achieved through “soft power” initiatives, such as Confucius Institutes, established in universities worldwide to promote the Chinese language and culture. Additionally, China invests heavily in global media platforms, buying space in foreign newspapers and running English-language news channels that present China in a positive light.
Use of social media and disinformation
China has also been accused of deploying disinformation campaigns and leveraging social media to influence public opinion abroad. This includes creating fake social media accounts to spread pro-China narratives or discredit opponents. The sophisticated use of algorithms and bots allows for the amplification of these narratives on an unprecedented scale.
Push for a ‘community of common destiny’
China’s leadership often speaks of creating a “community of common destiny,” a vision for a world order that positions China at the center of global affairs. Propaganda is key in promoting this concept, framing China as a leader in addressing global challenges like climate change and economic development.
Using search to shape views
When people search for anything China-related on the internet, they almost always get Chinese state-backed information. For example, if you want information about President Xi Jinping or COVID-19, you will probably get Chinese state-sponsored propaganda from top searches in Bing, Google, and YouTube.
Remember, not everything on the Chinese internet is sponsored or written by the government. Some pro-government backers on the Internet, known as “little pinks,” aren’t paid at all. They do their propaganda out of the nationalistic fervor that they’ve learned through “patriotic education” from kindergarten to university.
On top of these little pinks and the government-appointed online propagandists, China’s propaganda machine also extends to many employees under various organizations — usually under different job titles. They are typically tasked with posting pro-government messages, deflecting criticism, monitoring and deleting comments on their platforms, and holding users’ details if further action is necessary. For example, during the early days of the Covid breakout in Wuhan, many citizen journalists and private bloggers were arrested for reporting unsanctioned news.
As you search for crucial and contested information online about China and other authoritarian governments, it’s essential to understand how they use carefully crafted apparatus to dominate geopolitically relevant search terms and topics.
Conclusion
China’s propaganda strategies reveal the CCP’s desire to control and influence public opinion, both within its borders and globally. By blending traditional methods and cutting-edge technology, China seeks to present itself as a model of governance and development while suppressing dissenting views. The effectiveness of these strategies lies in their comprehensive approach, integrating education, media, technology, and cultural initiatives to shape perceptions and narratives about China and its place in the world.
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